Can
Terrorists Get the Bomb?
By
Gary Milhollin
February 2002, pp. 45-49.
The
story began over a meal in late October. A high British official told
a reporter from the London Times that Osama bin Laden had the
bomb, or at least that he had gotten bomb components, or nuclear materials,
and that the source was Pakistan. At about the same time, Pakistan arrested
three of its nuclear scientists for questioning about possible ties
to the Taliban, bin Laden's Afghan protectors. Then, in early November,
bin Laden himself declared that he had nuclear weapons, which he would
use as a "deterrent."
Could
it be true? Countries do not arrest their nuclear scientists for nothing.
By mid-November, Graham Allison, a professor at Harvard and an assistant
secretary of defense in the Clinton administration, was predicting in
the Washington Post that "bin Laden's final act could be a nuclear
attack on America." A few weeks later, the Post's Bob Woodward
reported that al Qaeda might be making a "dirty" bomb-a radiological
device to spread contamination over a wide area. According to Woodward,
this could be done by wrapping spent reactor fuel rods around high explosives,
which would produce a "zone of intense radiation that could extend several
city blocks." A larger bomb, he said, "could affect a much larger area."
In
Afghanistan itself, American forces have examined dozens of sites where
al Qaeda may have worked on nuclear or radiological weapons. Secretary
of Defense Donald Rumsfeld cautioned that while it was "unlikely that
they have a nuclear weapon," considering "the determination they have,
they may very well."
Despite
the reports, and despite the attendant warnings, the risk that a terrorist
group like al Qaeda could get the bomb (or a "dirty" substitute) is
much lower than most people think. That is the good news. There is also
bad news: the risk is not zero.
There
are essentially two ways for a terrorist group to lay its hands on a
nuclear weapon: either build one from scratch or somehow procure an
already manufactured one or its key components. Neither of these is
likely.
Building
a bomb from scratch would confer the most power: a group that could
build one bomb could build several, and a nuclear arsenal would put
it front and center on the world stage. But of all the possibilities,
this is the unlikeliest-"so remote," in the words of a senior nuclear
scientist at the Los Alamos National Laboratory, "that it can be essentially
ruled out." The chief obstacle lies in producing the nuclear fuel-either
bomb-grade uranium or plutonium-that actually explodes in a chain reaction.
More than 80 percent of the effort that went into making America's first
bombs was devoted to producing this fuel, and it is no easy task.
To
make bomb-grade uranium, a terrorist group would need thousands of high-speed
gas centrifuges, machined to exact dimensions, arranged in series, and
capable of operating under the most demanding conditions. If they wanted
to produce the uranium by a diffusion process, they would need an even
greater number of other machines, equally difficult to manufacture and
operate. If they followed Saddam Hussein's example, they could try building
a series of giant electromagnets, capable of bending a stream of electrically
charged particles-a no less daunting challenge. For any of these, they
would also need a steady supply of natural uranium and a specialized
plant to convert it to a gaseous form for processing.
Who
would sell these things to would-be nuclear terrorists? The answer is:
nobody. The world's nuclear-equipment makers are organized into a cooperative
group that exists precisely to stop items like these from getting into
unauthorized hands. Nor could a buyer disguise the destination and send
materials through obliging places like Dubai (as Iran does with its
hot cargoes) or Malta (favored by Libya's smugglers). The equipment
is so specialized, and the suppliers so few, that a forest of red flags
would go up. And even if the equipment could be bought, it would have
to be operated in a place that the United States could not find.
If
manufacturing bomb-grade uranium is out of the picture, what about making
plutonium, a much smaller quantity of which is required to form a critical
mass (less than fourteen pounds was needed to destroy Nagasaki in 1945)?
There is, however, an inconvenient fact about plutonium, which is that
you need a reactor to make enough of it for a workable bomb. Could terrorists
buy one? The Russians are selling a reactor to Iran, but Moscow tends
to put terrorist groups in the same category as Chechens. The Chinese
are selling reactors to Pakistan, but Beijing, too, is not fond of terrorists.
India and Pakistan can both build reactors on their own, but, for now,
these countries are lined up with the U.S. Finally, smuggling a reactor
would be no easier than buying one. Reactor parts are unique, so manufacturers
would not be fooled by phony purchase orders.
Even
if terrorists somehow got hold of a reactor, they would need a special,
shielded chemical plant to chop up its radioactive fuel, dissolve it
in acid, and then extract the plutonium from the acid. No one would
sell them a plutonium extraction plant, either.
It
is worth remembering that Saddam Hussein tried the reactor road in the
1970's. He bought one from France-Jacques Chirac, in his younger days,
was a key facilitator of the deal-hoping it would propel Iraq into the
nuclear club. But the reactor's fuel was sabotaged in a French warehouse,
the person who was supposed to certify its quality was murdered in a
Paris hotel, and when the reactor was finally ready to operate, a squadron
of Israeli fighter-bombers blew it apart. A similar fate would undoubtedly
await any group that tried to follow Saddam's method today.
If
making nuclear-bomb fuel is a no-go, why not just steal it, or buy it
on the black market? Consider plutonium. There are hundreds of reactors
in the world, and they crank out tons of the stuff every year. Surely
a dedicated band of terrorists could get their hands on some.
This
too is not so simple. Plutonium is only created inside reactor fuel
rods, and the rods, after being irradiated, become so hot that they
melt unless kept under water. They are also radioactive, which is why
they have to travel submerged from the reactor to storage ponds, with
the water acting as both coolant and radiation shield. And in most power
reactors, the rods are welded together into long assemblies that can
be lifted only by crane.
True,
after the rods cool down they can be stored dry, but their radioactivity
is still lethal. To prevent spent fuel rods from killing the people
who come near them, they are transported in giant radiation-shielding
casks that are not supposed to break open even in head-on collisions.
The casks are also guarded. If terrorists managed to hijack one from
a country that had reactors they would still have to take it to a plant
in another country that could extract the plutonium from the rods. They
would be hunted at every step of the way.
Instead
of fuel rods, they would be better advised to go after pure plutonium,
already removed from the reactor fuel and infinitely easier to handle.
This kind of plutonium is a threat only if you ingest or inhale it.
Human skin blocks its radiation: a terrorist could walk around with
a lump of it in his front trouser pocket and still have children. But
where to get hold of it? Russia is the best bet: it has tons of plutonium
in weapon-ready form, and the Russian nuclear-accounting system is weak.
Russia also has underpaid scientists, and there is unquestionably some
truth behind all the stories one hears about the smuggling that goes
on in that country.
But
very little Russian plutonium has been in circulation, with not a single
reported case of anything more than gram quantities showing up on the
black market. This makes sense. Pure plutonium is used primarily for
making nuclear warheads, it is in military hands, and military forces
are not exactly keen to see it come back at them in somebody else's
bombs.
One
source of pure plutonium that is not military is a new kind of reactor
fuel called "mixed oxide." It is very different from the present generation
of fuel because it contains weapon-ready material. But precisely because
it is weapon-ready, it is guarded and accounted for, and a terrorist
group would have to win a gun battle to get close to it. Then they would
probably need a crane to move it, and would have to elude or fight off
their pursuers.
If
terrorists did procure some weapon-ready plutonium, would their problems
be over? Far from it: plutonium works only in an "implosion"-type bomb,
which is about ten times more difficult to build than the simple uranium
bomb used at Hiroshima. In such a device, a spherical shock wave "implodes"
inward and squeezes a ball of plutonium at the bomb's center so that
it explodes in a chain reaction. To accomplish all this, one needs precision
machine tools to build the parts, special furnaces to melt and cast
the plutonium in a vacuum (liquid plutonium oxidizes rapidly in air),
and high-precision switches and capacitors for the firing circuit. Also
required are a qualified designer, a number of other specialists, and
a testing program. Considering who the participating scientists are
likely to be, the chances of getting an implosion bomb to work are rather
small.
The
alternative to plutonium is bomb-grade uranium-and here things would
be easier. This is the fuel used in the Hiroshima bomb. Unlike the implosion
bomb dropped on Nagasaki, this one did not have to be tested: the U.S.
knew it would work. The South Africans built six uranium bombs without
testing; they knew their bombs would work, too. All these devices used
a simple "gun" design in which one slug of uranium was shot down a barrel
into another.
The
problem with buying bomb-grade uranium is that one would need a great
deal of it-around 120 pounds for a gun-type bomb-and nothing near that
amount has turned up in the black market. In February 2001 an al Qaeda
operative named Jamal Ahmed al-Fadl testified in an American court that
he had tried to buy some uranium for $1.5 million in 1993. He had been
sent to Khartoum, where he saw a cylinder that supposedly contained
uranium from South Africa; he did not know whether the deal went through.
South Africa went out of the nuclear-weapon business in 1991, and in
1993 it accounted for all of its bomb-grade uranium to the International
Atomic Energy Agency. The deal in Khartoum was probably a scam.
What
about getting material from Pakistan? Its centrifuges have been turning
out bomb-grade uranium since 1986, and by now there is enough for 30
to 50 nuclear weapons. As is well known, at least some of its nuclear
scientists have fundamentalist leanings. Could they spirit out enough
for a bomb or two?
The
chances are virtually nil. Pakistan's nuclear weapons are its proudest
achievement. Every gram of bomb-grade uranium has been produced at the
expense of the country's suffering population, and every gram is also
part of a continuous manufacturing flow. When uranium leaves the centrifuges,
it goes to other plants where it is refined and then to still other
plants where it is made into bombs. Pakistan produces enough for about
three bombs per year, which means that one bomb's worth is the result
of several months' output. If any uranium went missing, it would be
as if the assembly workers for Ford Explorers suddenly stopped receiving
engines. Someone down the production line would be bound to ask questions,
and very quickly.
There
is also the fact that Pakistan's nuclear program is controlled by the
army, still headed by the country's president, Pervez Musharraf. In
response to the September 11 terrorist attack on America, Musharraf
created a new military command with direct control over the nuclear-weapons
program. In the process, he sidelined officers sympathetic to the Taliban.
After all these precautions, Musharraf is unlikely to let any bomb fuel
slip through his fingers. The only possibility for terrorists to lay
their hands on Pakistan's uranium would be if its government fell under
the control of sympathizers; given that Pakistan's army is far and away
the most effective and stable organization in the country, there is
not much chance of that.
Russia,
again, is the best bet. It has tons of bomb-grade uranium left over
from the cold war and, in addition to bombs, has used this material
to fuel nuclear submarines and research reactors. The result has been
to spread it across Russia and several other former members of the eastern
bloc.
So
Russia and its former satellites are a fat target. This past November,
citing a database maintained by the International Atomic Energy Agency,
the New York Times catalogued a long series of Russian-related
smuggling attempts. In 1993, for example, over six pounds of weapon-grade
uranium in St. Petersburg was about to go astray before being seized;
in 1998, there was a foiled effort to steal more than 40 pounds in the
Urals. Russian officials told the Times that they had twice discovered
terrorists staking out their nuclear-weapon sites. Finally, there was
one loss "of the highest consequence" during the past year, about which
details were not forthcoming.
There
are thus definite prospects in Russia. If terrorists could strike the
mother lode, and get enough uranium for a gun-type bomb, they would
be on their way.
But
the way would still be long. They would have to design the bomb, develop
it, and build it, and that would be far from a trivial undertaking.
They would have to have a competent bomb designer, who could be a physicist
or engineer but would have to come with practical experience in making
such things work. High-accuracy machine tools could be dispensed with-implosion
not being required, much simpler technologies could be used for firing
projectiles down artillery tubes-although someone would have to handle
the uranium-235, refine it to metallic form, cast it, and then machine
it. Still, with the help of a capable machinist and a chemical laboratory,
none of these obstacles is insurmountable.
The
main risk would lie in getting caught. True, a uranium bomb would not
produce many of the "signatures" that American intelligence agencies
look for-the use of a lot of electricity (a sign of a uranium enrichment
plant), the presence of contaminated air or water (a sign of a reactor
or plutonium extraction plant), a noisy testing program-but a fair number
of people would have to be recruited, and one of them could turn the
others in. Purchase of equipment might arouse the suspicions of a seller.
Above all, what would be needed is a sanctuary-a place in which to assemble
the people and the equipment, and keep them together for a period of
time. You cannot transport such an operation from cave to cave.
Finding
this location would not be easy. A country that was aware of the terrorists'
program could end up getting blamed for a nuclear attack on America,
and not too many governments would be ready to sign up for that. Better
from the terrorists' viewpoint would be a location where the authorities
had no idea what they were doing, but even so the theft of the uranium
would probably be discovered soon enough, and it might be only a short
matter of time before the whole world showed up on their doorstep. Besides,
if they only managed to steal enough for one bomb, they would still
lack an arsenal-and a single mistake in design could wreck the whole
project.
Is
there no way around these manufacturing problems? There is: stealing,
or buying, a complete bomb. But this presents problems of its own, which
are even greater.
All
countries, including Russia and Pakistan, take care to safeguard their
warheads, and even rogue states, if they should get the bomb, would
be highly likely to do the same. Despite press speculation to the contrary,
countries maintain careful inventories and employ security measures
specifically designed to prevent theft. Warheads are typically stored
in bunkers to which access is tightly restricted. They are also protected
by alarms and armed guards. Terrorists would have a hard fight on their
hands taking over one of these bunkers, and even if they succeeded,
they would have a much harder fight getting away with the contents.
Buying
is not a great option, either. Since the 1970's, the Libyan dictator
Muammar Qaddafi has tried to buy nuclear weapons from China, India,
and Pakistan, reportedly offering billions of dollars. So far, there
have been no takers. In 1996, General Alexander Lebed, then vying for
the presidency of Russia, claimed that a number of "suitcase" bombs-
meant to be carried by foot soldiers on demolition missions-had gone
missing, but his claim was promptly denied by both the Russian and U.S.
governments and has never gained much credibility. In November 2001,
President Vladimir Putin said he could certify that no Russian warheads
had fallen into terrorist hands.
What
options remain? Stymied in their plan to acquire a real nuclear weapon,
could a determined group of terrorists at least confirm Bob Woodward's
fears by manufacturing a "dirty" bomb? Such a device would be much easier
to build than a warhead. Instead of producing a nuclear explosion, it
would only have to disperse radioactive particles.
This
is a likelier bet. But there is a different problem with these devices:
they do not pack much radioactive punch. A bomb that carried enough
radiation to injure many people quickly would be too hot to handle.
The shielding would have to be many times heavier than the radioactive
element-so massive, in fact, that there would be no practical way to
transport or deploy the weapon. That is why the Pentagon does not consider
such devices useful on the battlefield.
Nor
is it easy to bring a sufficient amount of radioactivity into contact
with a bomb's human targets. Lacing a high-explosive charge with nuclear
waste from a hospital or laboratory, for example, would kill some people
immediately from the explosion, but the only radiological effect would
be an increased risk of cancer decades later. Once the area around the
blast was decontaminated, it would be safer to walk through it than
to be a serious smoker.
To
inflict a dangerous dose over a broad area requires spewing around large
amounts of nuclear waste. The only place to get such waste would be
from a reactor, and the problems with that scenario have already been
demonstrated. Even if a group of terrorists could somehow procure radioactive
fuel rods or any other form of highly radioactive waste, wrapping the
rods around "readily available conventional high explosives," as Woodward
suggested in the Post, would kill the person doing the wrapping.
So would transporting such a weapon to its destination, unless the rods
were heavily shielded during the entire operation (which would bring
us back to the implausible scenario with the giant protective casks).
The fact is that it would be a near impossibility to create, in Woodward's
words, a "zone of intense radiation that could extend several city blocks."
A
research reactor would be a better source. Many countries use such small
reactors to irradiate material samples, and it might be possible to
insert some material into one of these reactors secretly, irradiate
it, and then withdraw it and put it in a bomb. The difficulty would
then lie in making the bomb effective. Highly radioactive materials
have short half-lives; thus, any bomb would have to be used right away,
and one would not be able to build up a stockpile. If enough radioactivity
were packed into the bomb to injure a substantial number of victims,
the too-hot-to-handle problem would arise. If the radioactive charge
were diluted, the bomb would lose its effect. Saddam Hussein actually
made and tested such a bomb in the 1980's, but when UN inspectors toured
the test site in the 1990's they could find no trace of radiation from
it.
What
about putting plutonium into a city's drinking water, or into the air?
That, too, is a possibility-but according to a 1995 study by the Lawrence
Livermore National Laboratory, plutonium dumped into a typical city
reservoir would almost entirely sink to the bottom. The little that
dissolved would be greatly diluted by the volume of the water, and the
people drinking it would get a smaller dose than from natural background
radiation. As for plutonium in the air, if an entire kilogram of the
stuff were exploded in a city the size of Munich, Germany, and if 20
percent of it became airborne in respirable particles-as with anthrax,
the particles would have to be the right size to lodge in the lungs-the
effect (according to the same study) would be to produce fewer than
ten deaths from cancer.
The
main effect of any of these attacks would be panic: people would flee
the contaminated zone. This might create a huge economic impact-which
would be a victory for the terrorists-and it would be almost certain
to create an even huger psychological impact. On the other hand, and
unlike anthrax, radiation is something that scientists know how to detect,
and at levels far below those that are dangerous. Even the panic might
fade quickly as people were reassured that the environment was safe.
In any case, there is no chance of achieving anything remotely like
the effect of a real nuclear weapon, however small.
In
sum, the job of making or procuring a nuclear bomb is a great deal harder
than we have been led to believe. From a terrorist's point of view,
what is clear above all is that, whether the aim is to build a dirty
bomb or a clean one, a sanctuary is needed. The task requires laboratories,
equipment, and trained personnel, all of which have to be maintained
over a longish period of time.
This
in turn underlines the cardinal importance of remaining faithful to
our determination to pursue terrorists everywhere, and never leave them
in peace. Allowing any group of terrorists to set up shop anywhere puts
everyone at risk.
The
terrorists' only hope is that we tire of the chase. Then, if they could
obtain the bomb, they could deliver it, and anywhere on the globe could
become ground zero.
Gary Milhollin directs the Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control in Washington, D.C. His article, "Shopping with Saddam Hussein" (co-authored with Kelly Motz), appeared in our July-August 2001 issue.
